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Pakistan and Afghanistan navigate the Hormuz blockade

The prolonged blockade through the Strait of Hormuz is raising costs and uncertainty across South and Central Asia. Few countries are as exposed as Pakistan and Afghanistan. Yet while the crisis threatens economic disruption, it has created an opportunity for Islamabad to reposition itself as an increasingly consequential diplomatic and logistical actor, as Iftikar Firdous reports.

6-minute read

Gwadar Port has emerged as a strategic node in Pakistan’s effort to reshape regional trade routes amid growing instability around the Strait of Hormuz. Photo: Xinhua

Pakistan imports a large proportion of its crude oil from Gulf  countries, making it highly exposed to disruptions in the  Strait of Hormuz. Any sustained disruption in Hormuz inevitably  translates into higher energy costs, renewed inflationary pressure  and additional strain on already fragile foreign exchange reserves.  Remittances from Pakistani workers in Gulf states, a key pillar of  the economy, are also under pressure. Yet Islamabad appears  determined to turn this vulnerability into strategic advantage. 

The Strait of Hormuz remains one of the world’s most  critical energy chokepoints, with disruptions  threatening fuel supplies across South Asia.

Since late 2025, Pakistan has kept its border with Afghanistan  effectively closed, disrupting traditional transit trade routes that  once defined regional commerce. The result has been a strategic  reorientation by both countries toward alternative routes and  new political alignments. In April Pakistan operationalised a  new trade corridor linking newly developed Gwadar Port to  land-locked Uzbekistan through Iran. The inaugural shipment,  consisting of frozen meat destined for Tashkent, marked the  reshaping of regional trade routes, a signal of Pakistan’s attempt  to redraw regional trade geography. Under the arrangement,  goods originating from Pakistan move through Gwadar, a central  node of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), transit  Iranian territory, and continue onward into Central Asia. 

Days later, Pakistan issued another policy move enabling  westbound trade routes to bypass Afghanistan entirely, allowing  Pakistan to connect more directly with West Asia and reduce  Kabul’s traditional transit relevance and the revenues associated  with it. The significance of this shift is not merely economic. It  reflects a deeper strategic conclusion in Islamabad that relations  with the Afghan Taliban are unlikely to improve significantly.  Border skirmishes along Pakistan’s northwestern and  southwestern frontiers continue despite periodic diplomatic  engagement, reinforcing the perception within Pakistani  security circles that structural distrust now defines the  relationship. 

Pakistan is attempting to reposition itself as a  regional logistics hub linking South Asia, Iran  and Central Asia through new overland corridors.  Photo: Al 24 News 

Afghanistan had tried to reduce its dependence on Pakistan by  strengthening routes through Iran and Central Asia. Pakistan is  now attempting to bypass Afghanistan altogether. The impact  may not be immediate, but strategically it is substantial.  Afghanistan risks gradual marginalisation within emerging  regional trade networks if alternative corridors stabilise. 

These new arrangements also reduce dependence on vulnerable  maritime pathways through the Gulf. In effect, the Gulf crisis is  accelerating competition over trade routes, where infrastructure,  security and geopolitical alignment increasingly determine  strategic relevance. Pakistan’s geographic position and its  Chinese-backed infrastructure projects, places it in a potentially  pivotal role as a gateway linking South Asia, Central Asia and the  Middle East.

Alongside these logistical recalibrations, Pakistan has also  elevated its diplomatic profile. Islamabad’s leadership has  increasingly highlighted open channels with Western powers,  Gulf monarchies and Iran, while carefully maintaining what  officials describe as a policy of maintaining ties with Western  powers, Gulf states and Iran. The objective is clear: avoid  becoming locked into any single geopolitical bloc while  positioning Pakistan as a credible intermediary capable of  facilitating dialogue during periods of regional crisis. 

This balancing act has contributed to a more visible diplomatic  role of Pakistan’s military leadership, particularly Field Marshal  Asim Munir. His recent engagements and visibility in high-level  regional discussions between Iran and the US have reinforced  perceptions of Pakistan as an active stakeholder in crisis  management rather than a peripheral observer reacting to  external developments. 

Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher  Ghalibaf meets Pakistan army chief Asim Munir in  Tehran on 16 April 2026, amid Pakistan’s growing  diplomatic role during the Hormuz crisis. Photo: EPA 

At the same time, Pakistan’s military establishment has  maintained a harder line on Afghanistan. While Islamabad has  sought to facilitate diplomatic space between Iran and the  United States, it has shown little indication of easing pressure  on Kabul over the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). During the  275th Corps Commanders’ Conference at General Headquarters  in Rawalpindi on 5 May, the military leadership sharply  criticised the Afghan Taliban, accusing them of providing safe  havens to militant groups operating against Pakistan. ‘The  forum categorically rejected frivolous allegations of Pakistan  targeting Afghan civilians and reaffirmed that Pakistan’s  defensive actions remain focused, precise, and directed solely  against infiltrators, terrorist hideouts and support  infrastructures,’ the official statement said. 

For Afghanistan, the Gulf crisis creates a different but equally  serious challenge. As a landlocked state, Afghanistan does not  depend directly on maritime trade routes, but its economy  depends heavily on access to Pakistani ports such as Karachi.  Most of Afghanistan’s essential imports, including fuel and food,  pass through Karachi port, making uninterrupted access critical.  Disruptions in Gulf shipping lead to delays, higher transport  costs and shortages of essential goods. 

These pressures are particularly severe given Afghanistan’s  fragile economy. Rising fuel and food prices, reduced aid flows,  and limited fiscal capacity leave the country highly exposed to  external shocks. With few economic buffers and continued  political isolation, uninterrupted transit access through Pakistan  remains critical for Afghanistan’s short-term resilience.

Against this backdrop, Pakistan’s diplomatic manoeuvring  acquires broader regional significance. By engaging multiple  stakeholders simultaneously and presenting itself as both a  corridor state and a potential diplomatic facilitator, Islamabad is  attempting to leverage geography into geopolitical relevance.  The strategy, however, carries risks. Balancing relations between  Gulf states, Iran, China, Western powers, and the Afghan  Taliban requires constant calibration. Any perceived tilt could  alienate critical partners or undermine Pakistan’s carefully  cultivated position as a mediator. 

Still, the broader reality is becoming increasingly clear: crises in  the Gulf are no longer geographically confined to the Middle  East. Their consequences now ripple directly across South and  Central Asia, reshaping trade routes, security calculations, and  regional diplomacy. 

For Pakistan and Afghanistan alike, the Gulf blockade scenario  is more than an economic challenge. It is a direct test of how  dependent regional economies remain on fragile global supply  chains. For Pakistan in particular, it is also an opportunity to  turn economic vulnerability into political influence at a moment  when the regional order itself is being renegotiated.


By Iftikhar Firdous

He is a journalist and academic based in Pakistan. His PhD focuses on analysing militant discourses and terrorist ideologies.

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